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Abstract
Over the past twenty years, empirical and theoretical advances have significantly reshaped the research agenda on "behavioral modernity" and its conceptualization. Major shifts involve the material signatures of the phenomenon, the general archaeological pattern, the proposed mechanisms of evolutionary change, and species attribution. In response, some researchers have called for eliminating the concept altogether. In this article, I contend that, while eliminativist arguments are gaining traction, their justification remains unsatisfactory. I consider three angles of attack: (1) the relationship between "anatomical" and "behavioral" modernity and their purported shared fate, and two explicit eliminativist positions as advanced by (2) Shea (2011) and (3) Garofoli (2016). I suggest that major concerns can be addressed through conceptual "housekeeping" and, possibly as a result, "relabeling," while contending that the ongoing debate has not yet erased a fundamental explanandum—a transition—that still warrants further investigation. This pertains to a conceptual core that has not yet been defeated. Thus, I suggest that tempering enthusiasm towards the concept’s elimination is more conducive to a nuanced discussion of archaeology’s practice and aims.
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It is worth noting that, while fossil evidence for H. sapiens known at that time pointed to a shorter timeframe, McBrearty and Brooks suggest the following: "... it appears that the major adaptive shift represented by the Acheulian-MSA boundary ca. 250–300 ka corresponds with a speciation event" (McBrearty and Brooks 2000, p. 485).
Shea (2011), echoing an argument from D’Errico (2003), presents an ironic thought experiment to illustrate the historically contingent priority of Paleolithic archaeology in one corner of the world (Europe): if Polynesians had been the first archaeologists, the defining traits of behavioral modernity would have likely included celestial navigation, ocean-going vessels, pelagic fishing, hunting marine mammals, horticulture, domesticated pigs and dogs, ceramics, and feather cloaks.
Haueis (2022) in his article, draws a clear distinction between conceptual housekeeping, "conceptual retirement" and "conceptual abandonment" as available options for revision of polysemous concepts—a different situation from our case, focused on the diachronic variation of a concept—along with guiding principles for pursuing each course of action. In particular, conceptual retirement and abandonment can be understood as milder and stronger forms of eliminativism, respectively. Here, I refer to eliminativism more generally and refer the reader to the richer machinery presented there, which would require more space than can be afforded in this article.
Kuhn describes the interval between 120 and 60 kya as a combination of a peak—the culmination of a long-term trend—and a threshold—a phase shift in material culture and technology (Kuhn 2020, pp. 298–304). In this article, I use the concept of "transition" with respect to behavioral modernity to encompass both of these aspects. The term "threshold effect" has been used with comparable meaning (Meneganzin and Currie 2022).
This point seems again to be shared by Scerri and Will (2023) themselves, who note, in relation to the trait list summarized in their Table 1: "This body of work mostly derives from actualistic studies (sensu Binford, 1981) and involves ethnographic research on extant or recent hunter-gatherer societies but also experimental archaeology to establish archaeological correlates for behavioral and cultural complexity observed in the.
Present" (2023, p. 3).
On "behavioral variability", Metin Eren’s comment is particularly telling: "Why would this concept not be affected by all the same suspects that also plague behavioral modernity? To measure variability, some sort of units of input will have to be counted; once again it will be the researcher who decides which units are important enough to be included. This sounds suspiciously like the dreaded trait list so maligned by Shea" (in Shea 2011, p. 19).
Garofoli (2016) argues that "behavioral modernity" fails both as a natural and as a functional kind. While much philosophical analysis of scientific concepts has indeed been partly metaphysical, it is unclear to me who in the debate has considered "behavioral modernity" to be a natural kind, thus requiring a discussion on whether behavioral modernity exists or otherwise. Therefore, I will limit my discussion to the second point.
To capture the multiplicity of population trajectories, some have suggested referring to "modernities" (in the plural). In my view, this is best understood as an articulation of the concept at a finer level of analysis—the idea that behavioral modernity can be instantiated by a wide variety of local dynamics—rather than as a challenge to it.
As such, I do not advocate for introducing a new term here. My point is to clarify that this is only a viable option if successful housekeeping is achieved. The reverse can only produce vacuous or confusing labels.
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Acknowledgments
I would like to thank Adrian Currie, Matthias Blessing, Alejandro Fábregas-Tejeda, Gianmaria Dani, Enza Spinapolice, Francesco d’Errico, Ivan Colagè and two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and feedback on various drafts of this manuscript. Their input has significantly improved the content of this article I am also grateful to Kim Sterelny and Tom Graham, as well as to the participants of the Philosophy of Archaeology workshop they organized (ANU, July 2024), for thought-provoking discussions on the behavioral modernity concept and research. Likewise, I extend my thanks to the participants of the Philosophy of Paleoscience workshop (Egenis, August 2024), organized by Adrian Currie, for helpful input on the materials contained in this article. Finally, I gratefully acknowledge funding from the Research Foundation-Flanders (FWO), under Grant No. G070122N and Grant No. 12A3C26N.
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Meneganzin, A. The Fate of Behavioral Modernity. Biol Theory (2025). https://doi.org/10.1007/s13752-025-00519-2
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