John R. Logan

John Richard Logan (born 1946)^[1] is a professor of sociology at Brown University, where he has taught since 2004.^[2] The courses he teaches primarily focus on urban sociology, urban policy and spatial analysis.^[3]

Before joining Brown, he was a Distinguished Professor of Sociology and Public Administration at the University at Albany. ^[4] He also served as Director of the Mumford Center for Comparative Urban and Regional Research and the Urban China Research Network.^[4] At Brown, he served as the director of research initiative on spatial structure in the social sciences, from 2004-2016.^[5] His research on studying the changes in residential patterns utilizes contemporary and historical census data.^[6] This framework was utilized to approach his other research projects focusing on urban sociology, immigration, segregation, and studies related to the People's Republic of China.^[4]

John R. Logan earned his bachelor’s degree from the University of California, Berkeley, in March 1968.^[4] He then pursued his master’s degree at Columbia University, completing it in June 1969 with a thesis titled Political Consequences of Internal Migration during National Development under the advisement of Immanuel Wallerstein.^[4] Logan later returned to UC Berkeley, where he earned his Ph.D. in Sociology in June 1974. His doctoral dissertation, Industrialization, Repression, and Working-Class Militancy in Spain, was completed under the guidance of Arthur Stinchcomb. ^[4]

• Professor, Department of Sociology, Brown University, 2004–Present.^[7]
• Director, Research Initiative on Spatial Structures in the Social Sciences (S4), Brown University^[5]
• Guest Professor, Department of Sociology, Tongji University (Shanghai) 2016-2019^[4]
• Visiting Research Professor, Department of Geography, Hong Kong University, 2010-2013^[4]
• Research Professor, Professeur Invite, Observatoire Sociologique du Changement, Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques (Paris). January 2008^[4]
• Director, Lewis Mumford Center for Comparative Urban and Regional Research, University at Albany, 1999-2004^[4]
• Director, Center for Social and Demographic Analysis, University at Albany, 2003-2004^[4]
• Distinguished Professor, Department of Sociology and Department of Public Administration and Policy, University at Albany 2000-2004^[4]
• Wibaut Chair Distinguished Visiting Professors, Amsterdam Study Centre for the Metropolitan Environment, University of Amsterdam, Spring 2001^[4]
• Lecturer and Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, SUNY at Stony Brook, 1972-1980^[4]
• Urban Planner, Santa Clara County Planning Department, San Jose, California 1971^[4]
• Community Organizer, Mid-Peninsula Community House, East Palo Alto, California 1970-1971^[4]

1. Katrina and the Built Environment: Spatial and Social Impacts^[8]

This project examines the social vulnerability of coastal communities by analyzing how environmental disasters, such as Hurricane Katrina, impact different populations and shape recovery efforts. It integrates ecological, hazard, demographic, and socioeconomic data to understand which communities are most affected, which will be rebuilt, and who may face permanent displacement. By taking an eco-social approach, the research bridges the gap between environmental and social sciences, highlighting how disasters are shaped by both natural forces and human decision-making. The findings will inform public policy on disaster recovery, coastal planning, and long-term community resilience.

2. Immigrant Pathways to Political Incorporation^[9]

This project examines why the political influence of immigrant groups in the U.S. remains lower than that of non-Hispanic whites and African Americans by studying citizenship attainment, voter registration, and turnout from 1996 to 2000. It explores how nativity affects political participation while accounting for other influencing factors and investigates the role of ethnic and residential communities in shaping political behavior. By analyzing both individual and collective influences, the research highlights how political culture and community dynamics impact immigrant political engagement.

3. Immigration, Ethnicity and the Family: 1900-1920^[10]

This study examines intermarriage and co-residence between parents and children in Chicago from 1900 to 1920 to understand ethnic assimilation and family relationships. It explores how factors like immigration history, ethnic community ties, and cultural adaptation influenced marriage choices and living arrangements. Using historical census data, the study tracks individuals over time to analyze patterns of intermarriage and household composition. By providing a unique panel dataset, this research offers insights into past assimilation processes and serves as a comparison for understanding family changes today.

4. Group Boundaries in New York and Chicago, 1900-1920^[10]

This project examines the residential and labor force positions of ethnic and racial groups in New York and Chicago at the turn of the century, focusing on European immigrants and Southern Black migrants. It explores patterns of segregation, occupational clustering, and mobility to assess whether these groups assimilated or faced enduring social barriers. Using newly released census data from 1920, the study links individuals to neighborhood and occupational records, allowing for detailed analysis of residential and job patterns. A key feature is the tracking of 4,000 residents from 1920 back to 1900, providing insights into long-term mobility and integration.

Logan's research on neighborhood segregation looks at the ongoing racial and ethnic differences in housing, even though overall segregation has gone down since its peak in 1960.

In his report "Separate and Unequal," which uses U.S. census data, he shows that while Black-white segregation has declined, it is still high, and other groups, like Hispanic residents, also face serious housing inequalities.^[11] His research in the Boston area finds that Black and Hispanic residents, even when they earn as much as white residents, are more likely to live in poorer neighborhoods with struggling schools and fewer resources.

One of his key arguments challenges the idea that segregation is mainly due to income differences. His findings show that even middle-class Black and Hispanic families often live in less wealthy neighborhoods than white families, proving that segregation continues because of deeper systemic issues. He also criticizes the focus on diversity in segregation discussions, arguing that the bigger problem is the unequal quality of neighborhoods. He highlights how racial minorities are more likely to live in areas with fewer opportunities, keeping social and economic gaps in place over time.

In his report "As Long as There Are Neighborhoods," Logan examines segregation through the lens of neighborhood structure and the distribution of resources, highlighting how these factors reinforce inequality.^[12] He argues that despite the U.S. being a market-based society where income and wealth are key determinants of social mobility, segregation is not solely based on socioeconomic status. Instead, the housing market remains racially divided, making physical space a central mechanism for organizing social inequality.

Logan identifies four main forces behind segregation:

1. Historical Patterns: Past settlement trends keep segregation in place. Public housing projects from the New Deal were built in already segregated areas, locking in racial divisions. Black neighborhoods tend to grow, and gentrification has not significantly changed their overall structure.
2. Discrimination :While housing laws have improved, subtle discrimination still limits minority access to certain areas, keeping segregation in place.
3. White Flight and Choice :  Many white residents prefer to live in predominantly white neighborhoods, often due to reputation and socioeconomic conditions that have historically excluded minorities. Even middle-class Black residents face barriers to moving into more diverse or wealthier areas.
4. Unequal Distribution of Resources : White enclaves benefit from policies that keep wealth and public investments concentrated in privileged areas, maintaining racial disparities in housing and services.

Logan's analysis in "As Long as There Are Neighborhoods" underscores the persistence of segregation as a product of both historical forces and ongoing structural inequalities. Logan's work calls attention to the ways in which physical space, discrimination, and unequal resource distribution continue to reinforce racial and economic segregation, highlighting the need for comprehensive solutions to address these disparities.

John R. Logan’s research on residential segregation and spatial analysis provides a crucial lens through which to understand the persistence of social stratification in the United States. Social stratification refers to the hierarchical ranking of individuals in society based on factors such as income, race, education, and wealth, which influences their access to resources and opportunities. Logan's work, particularly on residential patterns and their impact on racial and ethnic groups, offers significant insights into how these structural inequalities are geographically and socially entrenched.

In his work, especially in "Separate and Unequal" and "As Long as There Are Neighborhoods", Logan demonstrates how residential segregation is a key driver of social stratification.^{[11] [12]} By examining how race and ethnicity influence where people live and the resources available to them, he shows that the geography of inequality is far more than just a matter of where people reside, it is an essential mechanism that shapes their economic opportunities, social mobility, and quality of life. Logan’s use of spatial analysis reveals that residential areas are not just physical spaces but are embedded with socio-economic and racial hierarchies that limit access to education, jobs, and health resources. The persistent separation of racial and ethnic groups into distinct neighborhoods entrenches inequality across generations, making it difficult for minorities, even those with comparable income to whites, to achieve upward mobility.

Ultimately, Logan’s work contributes to the field of social stratification by highlighting how residential segregation is a foundational element in the creation and maintenance of social inequality. By integrating spatial analysis into the study of segregation, Logan shows that social stratification is not only a product of individual or class-based differences but is deeply shaped by systemic, structural factors tied to race and place. His contributions have made it clear that addressing inequality requires understanding the spatial dimensions of segregation and their impact on social mobility. Logan’s research emphasizes that to truly dismantle social stratification, we must address the spatial inequalities that underlie and perpetuate racial and economic divides in American society.

• Faculty page
• John R. Logan publications indexed by Google Scholar

• 1946 births
• American sociologists
• Brown University faculty
• Columbia University alumni
• Family sociologists
• Living people
• Political sociologists
• University at Albany, SUNY faculty
• University of California, Berkeley alumni
• Urban sociologists
• American sociologist stubs

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