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Outline
Mélanges Cécile Morrisson (Travaux et Mémoires 16), Paris 2010
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40 pages
AI
This paper explores the transition from the title of Latin 'augustus' to the Greek 'basileus' during the reign of Heraclius, examining its historical context and significance. The author argues that this shift reflects broader cultural and political changes within the Byzantine Empire, including the influence of Hellenistic heritage, the autocratic nature of the emerging Byzantine state, and the aftermath of military victories. Additionally, the analysis incorporates papyrological evidence which demonstrates the gradual adoption of the title 'basileus' and highlights its implications for understanding Byzantine imperial identity and governance.
AI
The shift occurred during Heraclius's reign, particularly evident in a Novel from March 629, reflecting a change in heritage and authority dynamics post-Persia.
Papyri dated to Heraclius's reign often lack the title basileus, which only appears significantly in documents post-641, highlighting the gradual transition.
The title basileus was first recorded in a papyrus from November 641, marking a critical moment in Byzantine titulature.
Scholarship indicates a blend of Hellenistic legacy and Christian imagery reshaped the imperial identity, particularly post-7th century.
They transitioned from complex regnal year formulas towards simpler designs, reflecting shifts in imperial hierarchies and political realities.
Arctos, 2018
Researchers who study imperial-period Greek inscriptions, and more specifically, official and unofficial titles of the Roman Period, most probably have seen that the adjective ἀξιολογώτατος was part of the political vocabulary of the Greek elite during the Imperial Period. 1 Scholarship in its majority agrees that ἀξιολογώτατος was a title used exclusively by distinguished Greek citizens after the second century of the common era. However, the title ἀξιολογώτατος has been studied relatively superficially, even though there are several noteworthy studies on honorific titles and designations and extensive epigraphic material available. 2 The lack of a thorough, systematic study of the relevant evidence has lead scholarship to succumb, in my opinion, to certain inaccuracies regarding the dating of the title and, by extension, its historical interpretation. 3 1 The term ἀξιολογώτατος can also be found, in very few cases, with the different spelling ἀξιολογότατος (indicatively, IGLSyr III 2 1118 and Lef. 597). I am very grateful to prof Pantelis Nidgelis, Jason König, Heather Reid, and Androniki Oikonomaki, for their very useful observations and valuable feedback in different stages of my research. 2 F. Quaß, Die Honoratiorenschicht in den Städten des griechischen Ostens, Stuttgart 1993; M. Peachin, Roman Imperial Titulature and Chronology, A.D. 235-284, Amsterdam 1990; H. J. Mason, Greek terms for Roman Institutions; a lexicon and analysis, Toronto 1974; O. Hornickel, Ehren-und Rangprädikate in den Papyrusurkunden. Ein Beitrag zum rӧmischen und byzantinischen Titelwesen, Giessen 1930; Ο. Hirschfeld, "Die Rangtitel der Romischen Kaizerzeit", in Kleine Schriften, Berlin 1913, 646-681; D. Magie, De romanorum juris publici sacrique vocabulis sollemnibus in graecum sermonem conversis, Leipzig 1905. 4 Is his second book we read: ξυγκαλέσας τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῶν πόλεων πασῶν καὶ τοὺς μάλιστα ἐν τέλει καὶ ἀξιολογωτάτους παρῄνει τοιάδε. Thuc. 2,10,3. 5 P. A. Tuci, "Carptim memoria digna perscribere. Criteri di selezione del material nella storiografia greca monografica e universal", in U. Roberto -L. Mecella (ed.), Dalla storiografia ellenestica alla storiografia tardoantica: aspetti, problem, prospective (Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi Roma, 23-25 ottobre 2008), Rubbettino 2010, 61-63.
È vietata la riproduzione, anche parziale, non autorizzata, con qualsiasi mezzo effettuata, compresa la fotocopia, anche a uso interno e didattico. L'illecito sarà penalmente perseguibile a norma dell'art. 171 della Legge n. 633 del 22.04.1941
Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies, 2020
The descent from Artaxerxes I Makrocheir alleged by Leo VI, an example of medieval ‘Persianism’, may have been prompted by Artaxerxes’ biblical reputation for helping rebuild Jerusalem.
CdE, 2015
Examination of the Egyptian titularies of the Roman emperors shows that, some novelties notwithstanding, they retain numerous epithets and expressions already present in the protocols of previous rulers. In this respect, it is possible to establish a number of connections with the Ptolemies, as well as notable links with Alexander the Great. This paper aims to analyse all of these borrowings in order to determine their precise meaning and scope. The verbal connections evoking the Macedonian king in Octavian Augustus’ titulary are interpreted here as an Egyptian example of the comparatio Alexandri, while those in the Egyptian names of the remaining emperors are evaluated within the framework of the imitatio (or comparatio) Augusti.
‘Aristomachus’, not the scholiast’s adjective but the proper name of a Thessalian ancestor linked to the Heraclidae, completes and clarifies the scope of praise of the victor at the start of the ode.
Herakleios ist oft als der erste „byzantinische" Kaiser gennant, weil seine Herrschaft durch beträchtliche Umsetzungen des oströmischen Reiches sich auszeichnet, sowohl in Kriegsereignissen als in ideologischem Selbstbewusstsein. Seine offizielle Annahme des kurzes Titels von Pistos en Christôi basileus (gläubiger in Christo Kaiser) ist eine wichtige Etappe der Entwicklung des christlichen römischen Kaiseridee. Doch die klarste theologische Aussprache dieses neuen christlichen Begriff ist in der Dichtung des Patriarchatsdiakon Georg von Pisidia zu erfinden. Seine erhebliche Schriften waren nicht bloße Propaganda fürs herakleianische Regime, sondern auch ein aufmerksames und überzeugendes Programm von kaiserlicher Frömmigkeit. Georg hat Einzelteile der langen griechischen-römischen Überlieferung von politischer Philosophie mit der Heiligen Schrift verbunden, wie seine christliche Vorgänger. Seiner sonderliche Beitrag war die Auswertung des aszetisches-mönchisches Ideal in kaiserlichem Rahmen, sodass Herakleios nicht nur als Gesetzgeber und General, sondern auch als Seelsorger und sogar also Mystiker vorgestellt wird. Namentlich hat Georg die Schlüsselbegriffe von merimna/phrontis (Sorge) und eros/epithymia/pothos (Begierde/Sehnsucht) positiv ausgelegt, um ein hoches ethisches Wunschbild der kaiserlichen Frömmigkeit zu schaffen. Zuerst hat dies als Rechtfertigung für den Usurpator Herakleios und als Durchhalteparole im dunkelen Zeitraum der persischen Vormachtstellung gewirkt. Dennoch später hat Georg seinen Gedanke an Herakleios’ spektakülaren Siegen angepasst, als Grundlage zum erwarteten neuen Zeitalter der römischen christlicher Weltbeherrschung. Der militärishe Triumpalismus hat nicht lang gedauert infolge der verheerenden Eingriffen der Muslimen. Georgs ethische Ideen sind indessen bestehen geblieben, sodass sie das byzantinischen Mittelalter beeinflusst haben. Herakleios is often called the first "Byzantine" emperor, since his reign marks substantial shifts in the political fortunes and ideological self-consciousness of the east Roman Empire. His official adoption of the simple title "Faithful king in Christ" is heralded as the sign of the full Christianization of the imperial office, which had begun three centuries before with Constantine the Great. Yet the boldest and most theological expression of this new Christian imperial office can be found in the poetry of George of Pisidia, a highly-placed deacon of the Great Church of Constantinople. His writings were not merely propaganda for the Herakleian regime, but also a thoughtful and persuasive program of imperial piety. He combined the terminology of the long Greco-Roman tradition of political panegyric with a Christian content based on the Scriptures and the ascetical-monastic ideal. The resulting synthesis exalted the role of the emperor not only as legislator and general but as pastor and even as mystic. In particular, George interpreted the key themes of merimna/phrontis (care) and eros/pothos (erotic love) to create a high ethical ideal of imperial piety. At first this constituted a justification for the usurpation of Herakleios and an exhortation in the dark hours of Persian victory. But afterward George incorporated his ideas into his poems celebrating the unexpected triumph of the emperor and the expected inauguration of a new age of Roman Christian dominance. The military triumphalism did not long outlast Herakleios, given the catastrophic Arabic invasions, but the ethical ideas continued to be relevant in the Byzantine Middle Ages.
Studia Ceranea
This article examines the question about the policy of honouring members of the Bulgarian imperial family and Bulgarian aristocracy with Byzantine honorific titles pursued by Emperor Basil II Boulgaroktonos (976–1025) in the course of the conquest of Bulgaria. It outlines the scale of this policy of Basil II – its goals and the reasons for adopting it. A review of the place and the importance of the particular titles in the rank hierarchy of Byzantium is presented. The comparison with other regions and cases of conferring Byzantine honorific titles clearly shows how crucially important the conquest of Bulgaria was: it is evident from the concessions the Emperor was ready to make to the Bulgarian ruling elite.
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Studia Ceranea. Journal of the Waldemar Ceran Research Centre for the History and Culture of the Mediterranean Area and South-East Europe
The paper examines the terminology used by the Byzantine authors of the 10th and 11th century as regards the Samuel’s State, which was largely shaped by the Byzantine ideology and momentary aim of the political propaganda. The analysis of the Byzantine sources shows that by the end of the 10th century Basil II became known as "Scythicus", because of his military achievements against Samuel’s State. The same context derives from Basil II’s verse Epitaph which contains ideological message about the accomplished mission given to Basil II by Christ himself in defeating the "Scythians". Hence, Basil II was known and wanted to be remembered, among other, as the victor over the Scythians, thus designating the enemies coming from the Samuel’s State. Following this notion, in his narrative Michael Psellos portrayed Basil II as the vanquisher of the Scythians. Psellos even provided ideological context of the subjugation of the Samuel’s State, remarking that by this Basil II actually converted...
2003
A term paper for the course ORT-830 THÈMES DE THÉOLOGIE ORTHODOXE: BYZANTINE FATHERS AND SYNODS FROM THE NINTH TO THE FIFTEENTH CENTURIES Pr. George Dragas (Holy Cross Seminary, Brookline, Mass.), Université de Sherbrooke, Programme de maîtrise en théologie orthodoxe, asking: "What was the political theology implicit in the thinking of members of the Byzantine élite who took it upon themselves to guide their sovereigns in their divinely appointed task in the immediate aftermath of the Western schism and of the final loss of imperial possessions in the West as well as the Near East? To answer this question, I will use two parenetic texts directed respectively at Michael VII and at his son from Maria of Alania, Crown prince Constantine Doukas. The first one was written by an otherwise obscure and unschooled layman called Nikoulitza, and the second one by the learned Archbishop of Bulgaria, Saint Theophylactus of Ohrid. Contemporary writers on related themes in East and West, such as Kekaumenos and the Norman Anonymous, will also be considered to provide further context and to open comparative perspectives."
The Medieval History Journal, 2018
In April 1204, the army of the Fourth Crusade captured Constantinople. For the leading princes, it was self-evident that they would install an imperator of their own in the Queen of Cities. Their choice fell on Baldwin IX/VI, count of Flanders/Hainault. In this contribution, we aim to analyse how Baldwin and his successors saw their emperorship, and how they and their empire were seen by others in Byzantium and the West. The current historiographical term, 'Latin Empire of Constantinople', reflects the prevailing view that an entirely new political construct had been set up replacing the former Byzantine Empire. However, contemporaries, both the emperors themselves as well as outsiders, consistently referred to the empire using both Latin and Greek terms that, prior to 1204, had been commonly employed to refer to the Byzantine Empire. Yet eastern and western conceptions of the nature of the empire before 1204 differed greatly: it was 'Greek' in Latin eyes, 'Roman' in Byzantine eyes. The Constantinopolitan imperial crown having been placed on his head, Baldwin became heir to these conflicting traditions. Moreover, rival imperial claims soon arose within the Byzantine space in neighbouring Byzantine successor states. In the face of these challenges, the Latin emperors strove to formulate a political ideology legitimising their claim to imperial rule. We will argue that in essence the successive Latin emperors adopted, up to a point, the key tenets of Byzantine imperial theory (Roman character, universalism, emperors as vicars of Christ and autocracy). Their western background and their different relationship with the West led to certain changes, but whether these should be seen as fundamentally un-Byzantine is not self-evident. Conversely, the presence of the now Latin rulers on the Constantinopolitan throne also led to changes in the western perception of the eastern empire.
Journal of Late Antiquity, 2015
METU JOURNAL OF THE FACULTY OF ARCHITECTURE, 2016
Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 2008
The development of the senate of Constantinople as an imperial senate, on a par with the senate of Rome, has been attributed to Constantius II to the exclusion of Constantine and dated to 357. The present paper argues that the evidence for this dating is fundamentally flawed and that the decisive change came at the outset of the reign of Constantius II, while developments under Constantine foreshadowed it in significant respects. Conclusions are also drawn about what the evidence reveals of relations between Hellenic gentry and imperial rule in the fourth century.
Basil II Porphyrogenitus "The Bulgar-Slayer" ruled for about sixty-five years, from infancy in 960 until his death in 1025. Nicephorus II Phocas (r. 963-969) and John I Tzimisces (r. 969-976) managed the Empire as regents until John died in 976. At the time of his accession to sole rule, Basil inherited a tradition of military conquests in Syria and Bulgaria, as well as an empire stabilized by the preceding rulers of the Macedonian dynasty. Very quickly, he demonstrated his own superior military and administrative capabilities, restoring many formerly Byzantine lands and filling the imperial treasury to a point not seen in hundreds of years. He also introduced legislation to limit the power of aristocratic warlords, favoring instead the smaller landholders who served as citizen-soldiers under the theme system of administrative divisions. Upon his death in 1025, the Empire was at a zenith that it would never again reach. A few of his mistakes and the multitudinous mistakes of his successors erased many of his gains, pitted the Empire against formidable adversaries, and embarked the Empire on a spectacular decline that was arguably the beginning of its inevitable fall. Despite notable rebounds under Alexius I Comnenus (r. 1081-1118), Manuel I Comnenus (r. 1143-1180), and Michael VIII Palaeologus (r. 1259-1282), the Empire never fully recovered from the irreparable harm done in the first several decades following Basil II’s death. Thus, the death of Basil II and the mismanagement of the Empire that followed under his successors served as a turning point of no return for the Byzantine Empire.
A brief analysis of the attitude of John of Ephesus regarding particular emperors of the Sixth Century and the imperial institution in general.